Criminals Released From Prison and Kill Again Google Scholar
The "Pseudocommando" Mass Murderer: Function I, The Psychology of Revenge and Obliteration
Abstract
The pseudocommando is a blazon of mass murderer who kills in public during the daytime, plans his offense well in advance, and comes prepared with a powerful armory of weapons. He has no escape planned and expects to be killed during the incident. Research suggests that the pseudocommando is driven by stiff feelings of acrimony and resentment, flowing from beliefs about existence persecuted or grossly mistreated. He views himself as carrying out a highly personal calendar of payback. Some mass murderers have special steps to send a last advice to the public or news media; these communications, to appointment, take received trivial detailed analysis. An offender'due south use of language may reveal important data about his country of mind, motivation, and psychopathology. Part I of this commodity reviews the research on the pseudocommando, also as the psychology of revenge, with special attending to revenge fantasies. Information technology is argued that revenge fantasies become the last refuge for the pseudocommando'south mortally wounded self-esteem and ultimately enable him to commit mass murder-suicide.
… to the last I grapple with thee; from hell's center I stab at thee; for hate'southward sake, I spit my last jiff at thee… . Thus, I surrender the spear!—Herman Melville [Ref. 1, p 154]
… All the [curse] yous've given me. Right back at y'all with hollow points.—Seung-Hui Cho2
The term pseudocommando was used by Dietz in 1986 to draw a blazon of mass murderer who plans his actions "later on long deliberation" (Ref. 3, p 482). The pseudocommando ofttimes kills indiscriminately in public during the daytime, but may also kill family unit members and a "pseudo-community" he believes has mistreated him.3 He comes prepared with a powerful arsenal of weapons and has no escape planned. He appears to be driven by potent feelings of anger and resentment, in add-on to having a paranoid character. Such persons are "collectors of injustice"iii who nurture their wounded narcissism and retreat into a fantasy life of violence and revenge. Mullen4 described the results of his detailed personal evaluations of five pseudocommando mass murderers who were caught earlier they could kill themselves or exist killed. He noted that the massacres were oft well planned (i.e., the offender did not "snap"), with the offenders arriving at the crime scene heavily armed, often in camouflage or warrior gear, and that they appeared to be pursuing a highly personal agenda of payback to an uncaring, rejecting globe. Both Mullen and Dietz have described this type of offender as a suspicious grudge holder who is preoccupied with firearms.
Mass killings by such individuals are not new, nor did they begin in the 1960s with Charles Whitman. The news media tend to suggest that the era of mass public killings was ushered in by Whitman atop the tower at the University of Texas at Austin and have become "a part of American life in contempo decades."5 Research indicates that the news media have heavily influenced the public perception of mass murder, especially the erroneous exclamation that its incidence is increasing.half dozen Furthermore, it is typically the high-profile cases that correspond the well-nigh widely publicized, even so least representative mass killings. As an example that such mass murderers have existed long before Whitman, consider a notorious case, the Bath Schoolhouse disaster of 1927, now long forgotten by nigh.7 Andrew Kehoe lived in Michigan in the tardily 1920s. He struggled with serious financial problems, and his married woman suffered from tuberculosis. He appeared to focus his unhappiness and resentment on a local town disharmonize having to do with a holding taxation being levied on a schoolhouse building. After becoming utterly overwhelmed with resentment and hatred, Kehoe killed his wife, set his farm ablaze, and killed some 45 individuals by setting off a bomb in the schoolhouse building. Kehoe himself was killed in the blast, but he left a final communication on a wooden sign outside his property that read: "Criminals are made, non born"—a argument suggestive of externalization of blame and long-held grievance.
Mass Murder: A Subtype of Homicide-Suicide
Homicide-suicide (H-S) is the miracle in which an individual commits a homicide and after (ordinarily inside 24 hours) commits suicide.eight–x H-S is a singled-out category of homicide with features that differ from those of other forms of killing. It is a rare event, estimated to occur at a charge per unit of between 0.2 and 0.38 per 100,000 persons annually.9,11 Most homicide-suicides are advisedly planned by the perpetrator as a two-stage, sequential act. Marzuk et al.12 proposed classifying H-S by the human relationship the perpetrator had to the victim (due east.g., spousal, familial), forth with the perpetrator'due south motive (east.1000., jealousy, altruism, revenge). Table 1lists the major H-Due south patterns discussed in the enquiry literature, along with brief descriptions.
Of the 5 major H-Due south types, the consortial-possessive type is the most common, bookkeeping for fifty to 75 pct of all homicide-suicides. Less common is the adversarial (also called extrafamilial) type of H-South. The pseudocommando mass murderer described by Dietz3 and the perpetrator of the coordinating autogenic massacre described by Mulleniv would best fit into this category. Variants of this type of H-Due south include disgruntled (ex-)employees, students, patients, and litigants. The pseudocommando subtype of mass murder may be considered a H-South, as the perpetrator goes to the law-breaking expecting not only to kill, but also to be killed, sometimes by his own hand. Since he has no escape planned and may as well strength police force to kill him, certain cases may culminate in so-called suicide by cop.13 Technically, an adversarial H-S following the pseudocommando pattern is but considered a mass murder if the perpetrator kills 4 or more victims at ane location, within one event.14 For mass murderers in general, the literature does not reflect a strong link with serious mental affliction.fifteen Rather, retrospective analyses of cases suggest that, while mass murderers may accept illnesses such as depression, it is rare for them to have psychosis.16
In his case studies of five pseudocommando-blazon mass murderers who were apprehended alive, Mullen4 described several traits and historical factors that these individuals had in common. In item, they were bullied or isolated every bit children, turning into loners who felt despair over being socially excluded. They were generally suspicious, resentful grudge holders who demonstrated obsessional or rigid traits. Narcissistic, grandiose traits were also present, along with heavy use of externalization. They held a worldview of others being generally rejecting and uncaring. Every bit a result, they spent a great deal of time feeling resentful and ruminating over past humiliations. Such ruminations invariably evolved into fantasies nigh fierce revenge. Mullen noted that the offenders seemed to "welcome expiry," even perceiving it as bringing them fame with an aureola of ability. Since nearly of the literature on the pseudocommando heavily references the offender's motivation of revenge, a more in-depth analysis of the psychology of revenge may be helpful.
The Psychology of Revenge
He piled upon the whale'due south hump the sum of all the full general rage and hate … and then, equally if his chest had been a mortar, he burst his hot heart's shell upon it.—Herman Melville [Ref. 1, p 154]
The desire for revenge "is a ubiquitous response to narcissistic injury" (Ref. 17, p 447). Information technology should be of interest that an emotion so intense and pervasive has received picayune study relative to other emotions. Both psychoanalysis18 and forensic psychiatry have only skimmed the psychological surface of this destructive cognition. Yet consider how revenge hides in plain sight. For instance, Greek mythology is awash in revenge themes.eighteen Revenge is the fundamental motive in at least 20 of Shakespeare's plays and is a main theme in many of today's Hollywood movies. The success of movies such as the Death Wish series, and more than recently the Kill Neb series, speaks to the public's fascination with, and indeed their delight in, "the sugariness sense of taste of payback."19 That there is a strong, primal universality of the revenge theme hardly requires in-depth socioanthropological study. Across almost every civilisation, the taking of revenge, when "justified," has assumed "the status of a sacred obligation" (Ref. 20, p 199). In many cultures, since biblical times and before, there has always been the principle of retributive functional symmetry, such every bit the admonition of an eye for an eye in the Hebrew Bible.
Human aggression, equally an expression of revenge, may be traced back to a psychophysiological response designed to enhance survival.21 At this stage of our evolution, affronts to our self-esteem or narcissism are responded to "equally though they were a threat to our survival" (Ref. 22, p 123). We have maintained the physiological hard-wiring that is bachelor for excessive use in situations that exercise not involve survival of the torso, only survival of the ego. The ego's survival instinct may go transformed into a "striving for an enduring sense of self which is an object of value in a field of social meanings" (Ref. 23, p 23). Because the self or ego must be defined in the social-meaning field, it is the Other on whom we depend for our highly valued identity. The individual whose ego is fragile or damaged may nurture destructive rage toward the Other that eventually transforms him into an avenger. Indeed, it is the frustration of the need to "preserve a solid sense of self," that is frequently "the source of the near fanatical human violence [equally well as] the everyday anger that all of us suffer" (Ref. 23, p 85).
All the same vengeful rage provides only pseudopower, as information technology is merely a reaction to intolerable feelings of powerlessness and humiliation. Still, there comes a point when this pseudopower is the only defense the avenger has left to ward off the anything of his identity. For this reason, when the potential avenger's ego is threatened or hurt "in such a devastating way … the merely thing that remains is to persist in the 'unremitting denunciation of injustice' " (Ref. 24, p 189). For sure individuals, at that place is no turning back or giving upwardly on the "crusade," because in that location is a perverse "honor" in refusing to normalize the perceived injustice. Herein lies the "hidden logic of the … avenger" (Ref. 23, pp 83–4): to sustain a perversely heroic "refusal to compromise, an insistence ′confronting all odds,' " lest his heroic fantasy surrender to the reality of a self (or lack thereof) that he finds intolerable (Ref. 24, p 190).
The psychotherapy literature on revenge suggests that fantasized revenge is a familiar knowledge in daily life. In the treatment of various stress response syndromes, "clinicians may meet intrusive and persistent thoughts of vengeance associated with feelings of rage at perpetrators" (Ref. 25, p 24). While the revenge fantasies oftentimes have the emotional content of hate and fear, the fright may easily devolve into frank paranoia. Of relevance to the pseudocommando is the research show suggesting that potent anger tin can serve equally an attention-focusing emotion, making information technology difficult to remember near other things.26 Angry thoughts thus generate a vicious wheel; "the more than he thinks almost them the angrier he gets, and the angrier he gets, the harder it is to think virtually annihilation else" (Ref. 26, p 1317). Thus, a pseudocommando'due south revenge fantasy may prevent him from "engaging other strategies (e.thousand., trivialization) that would accept allowed [him] to move on and think about something else" (Ref. 26, p 1323).
For the pseudocommando, revenge fantasies are inflexible and persistent because they provide badly needed sustenance to his self-esteem. He is able to feel better by gaining a sense of (pseudo) power and control by ruminating on, and finally planning out his vengeance. Consider the pictures of Seung-Hui Cho (Virginia Tech) released by the media in which he is dressed in various warrior outfits (e.g., flack jacket, black clothing, ammo belts). Next, consider the fact that he had to shop for and purchase these items and possibly attempt them on—all the while imagining how he would use them and how he would wait in them. These fantasies may atomic number 82 the avenger to "experience pleasure at imagining the suffering of the target and pride at beingness on the side of some spiritual cardinal justice" (Ref. 25, p 25). Thus, the revenge fantasy falsely promises a powerful "remedy" to the pseudocommando's shattered ego. It gives the "illusion of force," and a temporary, though false, sense of restored control and self-coherence.25
The type of severe narcissistic rage experienced by the pseudocommando "serves the purpose of the preservation of the self" (Ref. 22, p 124) that has exceeded its limit of shame, rejection, and aversive self-awareness. This pain and rage cannot exist contained, and he ultimately embarks "on a course of self-destruction that transfers [his] pain to others" (Ref. 22, p 128). Information technology may ultimately be the intensity and quality of the revenge fantasies, interim in concert with other risk variables, that contribute to "whether vengefulness will be a passing concern or a lifelong quest" (Ref. 17, p 449). Dietz3 has described these individuals as "collectors of injustice" who concur onto every perceived insult, amassing a pile of "prove" that they take been grossly mistreated. Why might they so faithfully stockpile this drove? I argue that it serves the purpose of sustaining their revenge romance. The drove is reassembled into the form of an "enemy" who deserves to exist the target of a merciless, incendiary rage. Thus, the pseudocommando maintains object relations with others that are based heavily on envy and splitting, as their drove is likely to consist of the unwanted, hated, or feared aspects of themselves. A more intense desire for revenge may signal a more than intense idealization of the hated object(s). Targets of a very intense want for revenge must be made out to be worthy of their fate, which is why we may see the pseudocommando portray his victims equally barely worthy of being considered human, much as Mr. Cho portrayed other students (whom he hardly knew) every bit "hedonistic" "brats" who had "raped" his soul. Yet at the same time, he must view himself as blame free, thereby completing the other half of the splitting and project dynamic.
Nosotros are now at a point where nosotros can summarize some of the primary psychic functions that the pseudocommando's fantasy of revenge serves:
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It "provides sadistic gratification, and perhaps has an evolutionary basis" (Ref. 18, p 608).
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It helps the pseudocommando obliterate an intolerable reality and aversive cocky-awareness. His rumination "dominates thought and impels activity much as an addiction or erotomania does" (Ref. 18, p 605). He could be said to accept "fallen" into romantic/idealized hate. When Helm Ahab believed he had been "dismasted" by the whale, he reached the final stages of narcissistic inaccessibility and plunged irretrievably into a romanticized downward spiral of reality-destroying nihilism and death. The revenge fantasy serves as a defense force against feelings of shame, loss, and powerlessness. In this way, revenge "is an attempt to restore the grandiose self" (Ref. 18, p 605). Information technology allows the pseudocommando'southward omnipotence to rise triumphantly (in his fantasy) from the ashes of shame and vulnerability.
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It maintains the condition quo of the pseudocommando's archaic object relations, which are based heavily on envy and splitting.
The peril associated with these revenge dynamics is that they inexorably collide with reality in such a way as to render the defenses ineffectual. Reality ultimately creeps into his life in various means, threatening him with aversive self-awareness and requiring him to feed the monster—that is, to cultivate stronger, more than intense feelings of persecution and hostility toward his victims. One time this process becomes well entrenched, the pseudocommando begins to tread downward the path of cognitive deconstruction, nihilism, and death.
Pseudocommando Psychodynamics: Persecution, Green-eyed, and Nihilism
They do me wrong, and I will not endure it… . I must be held a rancorous enemy.—Richard Three27
Having discussed how the pseudocommando's wish for revenge represents his struggle to restore a "damaged" identity, I at present focus on the developmental psychodynamics observed in many offenders who also take strong paranoid and narcissistic traits—in particular, those who cling to the position of the aggrieved "victim," despite overwhelming prove that their own deportment accept placed them in their unpleasant situation. These offenders may become stagnated in their own self-compassion, anger, and persecutory ruminations. It is possible that the harsh early childhoods that some of these offenders endured contributed to their dumb ability to trust others every bit an adult, leaving them with a strongly self-centered, paranoid character.28 According to developmental theory, a healthier developmental course necessitates the transition away from what Klein29 called the "persecutory position," toward the "depressive position." The study of trigger-happy offenders suggests, according to this theory, that impediments to psychological development crusade the offender to become relatively stock-still in a persecutory developmental stage, or what Klein called the paranoid-schizoid position.30 In this phase, most of the individual'south worldview is based on feelings of mistreatment and frustration at what is perceived every bit intentional harm or purposeful withholding of gratification. Fixation at this stage is associated with the employ of more primitive defense force mechanisms, such as splitting, externalization, and projective identification. In contrast, the offender who has reached the depressive position has developed the capacity for feelings of concern that he has injured or destroyed some attribute of society (eastward.yard., his beau man beings). Cognitions associated with the depressive position include regret, empathy with the victim, and interest in making reconciliation with society.
The persecutory cognitions of the offender in the paranoid-schizoid position are experienced as threatening, undeserved attacks on his cocky. This response is of involvement, in that Dietz noted that near men in the Us who accept killed 10 or more victims in a single incident accept demonstrated "paranoid symptoms of some kind" (Ref. iii, p 480). Consistent with their feelings of being persecuted, such offenders may besides accept strong feelings of subversive envy. Equally regards envy, it is important to notation that the offender at the paranoid-schizoid stage is not necessarily envious of the Other'south possessions or social status, but the way in which the Other appears to be able to enjoy these things. Thus, the offender'south truthful goal is "to destroy the Other's power/capacity to relish the prized object or status" (Ref. 24, p 90). For example, in his manifesto, Mr. Cho chides other students in keeping with his perception that they possessed "everything" they always wanted, such as "Mercedes … , golden necklaces … , trust fund[south] … , vodka and cognac."31 Yet in the same manifesto, he reveals his powerful envy, stating: "Oh the happiness I could accept had mingling among you hedonists, beingness counted as i of yous, if only y'all didn't [expletive] the living [expletive] out of me."31 Via projection, such individuals perceive others as persecutory, also equally withholding the goodness and happiness to which they are entitled. Similar cognitions were reported by the pseudocommandos evaluated by Mullen.four They were described as suspicious individuals with stiff feelings of persecution and mistreatment, who harbored resentment over past social rejections.
Alternatively, the depressive position allows the individual to face reality more than smoothly. Information technology involves the chapters for feelings of responsibility, guilt, and business concern over impairment done to others. During long-term incarceration, some offenders may eventually take upwardly pursuits suggestive of attempts to negotiate the depressive stage. For instance, a man sentenced to life for murder may become involved in running the prison "lifers group," or take up artistic pursuits such as art, music, or poetry—all examples of reparative activities.30 Unfortunately, some offenders may be unable to reach an attitude embracing personal accountability and reconciliation. In particular, some go along to develop remarkably fixed, chronic feelings of persecution. Clinical observations advise that some of these offenders ultimately develop an entrenched nihilistic attitude. Nihilism and then pervades their cognitions near treatment and life in general. The run a risk hither is that their failure to find meaning in life may outcome in feelings of hopelessness, cocky-defeating actions, and suicidality.32 Thus, it may exist hypothesized that once the offender reaches some individual-specific level of nihilism, he will demonstrate a significantly reduced ability to benefit from efforts designed to extend help and will take little motivation to self-regulate his behavior. These empirical observations of the adverse effects of social rejection and nihilistic beliefs in incarcerated offenders are consequent with research findings in nonincarcerated populations. For instance, social rejection has been found in normal subjects to increase feelings of meaninglessness, decrease self-sensation, and impair behavioral self-regulation.33,34
Social science research has shown that when nihilism and the bulldoze to avoid painful self-awareness get strong plenty, there is a significantly increased risk of suicide and self-subversive behavior.35 This theory has been called the "escape theory" of suicide, to denote the suicidal individual's motivation to escape aversive self-sensation. According to the escape theory, when the individual is unable to avoid negative impact and painful self-awareness, a process of "cerebral deconstruction" occurs in which he rejects significant and descends into hopelessness, irrationality, and disinhibition. Suicide and then becomes the ultimate step in the effort to escape awareness and its implications about the self. Applying this theory to the psychology of the pseudocommando, the stage of cerebral deconstruction seems to signal a potentially mortiferous turning point. Having tried and failed to place his painful cocky-awareness outside himself, he redoubles his efforts to externalize. These efforts merely render to him as even more powerful persecutory attacks from outside. In select individuals, this reaction may culminate in a real-life physical attack directed outward to avoid what is within. For the pseudocommando laboring under a heavy burden of persecutory ideas and negative bear on, consciousness of his truthful predicament is self-torment. Because he is a witting beingness, reality will somewhen permeate the fault lines of his defenses. Clear contemplation of his predicament is the equivalent of an unending suicide—a painful assail past reality, combined with his own persecutory attacks. His existence has become the progressive self-destruction of a subject area given over to a condition of catastrophic fear, rage, and despair.
The Obliterative Country of Mind
Shakespeare's Richard III is a classic illustration of a mind committed to revenge and driven past powerful grievance. His country of mind may be regarded as obliterative, in that it functions to spread more grievance, destruction, and ultimately, anything.36 Such individuals may come to embrace a cocky-styled prototype based on low self-esteem or negative cocky-perceptions that may be tinged with an ominous or threatening undertone. That is, they embrace their dark, negative cognitions and fashion them into a recognizable suit of black armor. Just every bit Richard III defined himself by his own deformity, so Mr. Cho defined himself by his outcast status—even calling himself the "question mark kid." Thus, persons driven past envy and destruction tend to see others "as in the lite and [cull] to stay in the nighttime …" (Ref. 36, p 702). In the example of Richard Iii, envy and subversive narcissism led him to the conscious adoption of the role of reprobate:
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And therefore, since I cannot evidence a lover,
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To entertain these off-white well-spoken days,
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I am determined to testify a villain,
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And hate the idle pleasures of these days.27
Toxic levels of "envy and narcissism … can fracture the personality, concur it hostage and in thrall, by existence fuelled by triumph and contempt …" (Ref. 36, p 703). The developing pseudocommando must agree fast to his "hatred of anything such as growth, beauty, or humanity which is an advance over a bleak, static interior landscape" (Ref. 36, p 710). Note, however, that at that place is still another of import psychological motive behind Richard's decision to "prove a villain." Specifically, it is his belief that "Nature has done me a grievous wrong … . Life owes me reparation for this … . I have a right to exist an exception, to disregard the scruples by which others let themselves be held back. I may practise incorrect myself, since wrong has been washed to me" (Ref. 37, pp 314–15). It is this feeling of being an exception to the rule, of being entitled to harm others or interruption societal laws, that fuels the pseudocommando's obliterative state of mind. Once he has embraced this mindset, he condemns himself to a mental space in which "he cannot envision rescue from this commitment to a killing field externally or internally" (Ref. 36, p 709). The narcissistic injury, which is utterly intolerable, is "essentially nihilistic: nix matters, all is despair … all goodness and substance are obliterated, so that pettiness defines the domain" (Ref. 36, p 710). This is the obliterative mindset—destroy everything, embrace pettiness.
Such an individual needs a mental "sanctuary" from the oppressive, relentless nihilism that assails him. It is only from such a sanctuary that he has hope of achieving greater mental clarity and freedom from persecution, reclaiming the notion of the Other's potential "goodness," and relinquishing his pseudoempowering revenge fantasies. Sadly, information technology is the case that some individuals may never exist able to relinquish the Ahab-Richard Iii land of mind, as all attempts at empathy may exist met with suspicion, defensiveness, and antipathy. At this point, the individual is unable or unwilling to re-emerge from his "heroic" fantasy of justified, "honorable" revenge. Equally the pseudocommando comes closer to turning fantasy into reality, he must undergo a process by which he comes to accept that he will be sacrificing his own life. It may exist that this obstacle is easier for him to overcome when his catastrophic thinking leads him to believe fierce homicide-suicide is his only option, and his obliterative mindset causes him to feel that his self is already dead. The decease of his physical trunk is simply an inevitability of picayune outcome. These cognitions will eliminate his capacity for undistorted judgment, finding meaning in life, and sublimating assailment. At present he is able to override his survival instinct and reach the point of "willingness to cede one's body" (Ref. 38, p 73).
One time the pseudocommando reaches the stage of 18-carat willingness to sacrifice himself, he becomes a vortex into which all information are taken and reconfigured to substantiate the grounds of the revenge fantasy. At some individualized point, the pseudocommando makes the determination to bring his revenge fantasies into the daylight of reality. He also begins to formulate his concluding communications. These communications take neat meaning to him, as he realizes that they will be the only living testament to his motivations, struggle, and heroic sacrifice. He pulls the words from deep within his shattered psyche and carefully spreads them out for all to see. Similar a poker player who lays downward his royal flush, he reveals his detest-filled, obliterative hand to the shock and complaining of all who bare witness.
Conclusions
Mass murders have occurred since well before the Whitman shooting in 1966. What constitutes a more modern twist on mass murder is the pseudocommando-mode shootings, as first described by Dietz3 and more recently by Mullen.4 Present twenty-four hour period access to powerful automatic firearms, also as glorification of the phenomenon past the media are ii factors making mod mass murders unique.
This article has presented a word of the psychology of revenge, focusing on revenge fantasies in pseudocommando mass murderers. These individuals nurture feelings of persecution, resentment, and destructive envy. When the pseudocommando has reached the limit of his ability to avoid painful self-awareness, his revenge fantasy becomes his concluding refuge until he achieves a willingness to sacrifice himself. Part Ii volition demonstrate how the terminal communications of pseudocommandos are rich sources of data regarding their individual motives and psychopathology.
Editor's Annotation
Part Ii of this commodity will exist published in Volume 38, Issue 2 of the Journal. It will explore and analyze the concluding communications of two recent pseudocommandos: Seung-Hui Cho (Virginia Tech) and Jiverly Wong (Binghamton, NY).
Footnotes
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Disclosures of fiscal or other potential conflicts of interest: None.
- American Academy of Psychiatry and the Police
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Source: http://jaapl.org/content/38/1/87
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